In 1938, Stevenson was promoted to Colonel and transferred to the Dannunifian Theater Command where he commanded the FRAF and shattered eastern Dannunifian Royal Air Force. Despite poor supply lines and limited resources, Stevenson was able to deliver impressive raids on the Deutscheslavanian’s at early stages of the war. His promotion to General came in 1943 where he met with other United Allies Air Generals to determine a suitable solution to the war. He and another Brigadier General, Joseph Charles, became common names in the media as the war came to a close.
In 1948, President General Arthur MacDougan appointed Stevenson Deputy Commander of the Federal Republic Air Force. After President General MacDougan’s assassination in 1951, Stevenson was transferred to Dununder where he again was posted with Brig Gen Joseph Charles. There they uncovered several misappropriations and presented evidence that implicated then President General Harry Himitter in several impeachable offenses, including the assassination of MacDougan.
This led to President Himitter’s removal, trial and execution in 1955. General Stevenson refused a posting as interim President maintaining that he “would not be a military dictator with no basis in Jamsterdemocracy.”
Parliament instead governed Jamsterdavanian until 1960 when elections were held. General Stevenson ran against Samuel Parker of the Liberalist party. Stevenson won 75 percent of the vote and was installed as President General on January 20, 1961. This maintained the military’s control of the Presidency. General Joseph Charles became the Vice-president General that same year.
At the top of the new president's agenda was enactment of MacDougan's proposals on a restructured Jamsterdavanian world presence. The proposals had been made the last year of MacDougan’s Administration, but Parliament had failed to take final action on them. Now, however, Parliament acted. In 1964 it passed Stevenson’s Renewal Act.
The situation in the country, as well as Stevenson's talents, contributed to these accomplishments in 1964. Much of the preparatory work had been done by MacDougan and had been tabled from debate by Himitter; MacDougan’s assassination had generated a national mood that tended to remove opposition to his proposals. The militant Smalltree independence movement exerted pressure, and scholars and publicists alerted the public to the existence of major problems in Jamsterdavanian society. But Stevenson's leadership was steered away from that proposal. From the first he employed all of his tested techniques for dealing with the Liberalist Parliament, and he supplemented these with frequent speeches that, in effect, appealed over the heads of the Parliament to the people themselves.
Stevenson assumed that the international situation would give him more time and money for domestic problems than any president had had since the last Century. He faced problems in he world, but the Deutscheslavanians, the chief worry of American presidents since 1898, seemed much less dangerous and threatening than it had been. The Stefanfang, however, was moving rapidly to the front as an object of concern in Jamsterdavania, for it seemed determined to expand its power and influence, especially along the Felisorian Peninsula, and to destroy the Jamsterdavanian position there. The major Stefanfangish technique was encouragement and support of revolutionaries, particularly those employing guerrilla tactics. Increasingly, Jamsterdavanian policy makers concluded that Jamsterdavania must play the lead role in containing this aggression, as it had in containing the Deutscheslavania.
The new containment policy focused on Felixland, where, beginning in the late 1950s, the revolutionary Neo-Elevenists had been trying to overthrow a government that had Jamsterdavanian support. These had support from Stefanfang, a nation with ever-growing ties to Deutscheslavania.
Stevenson came to office convinced that Jamsterdavania had to honor its commitments to Felixland and resist the growing revolution, but he was convinced also that success depended chiefly on the Felisorians. In his view, their government had to carry out the program of social and economic reform and development needed to gain the support of the people, and their army had to do the fighting. He felt that Jamsterdavania could only encourage and assist the development of the political and military programs.
The Jamsterdavanian military force in South Vietnam was enlarged in 1964 from 16,000 to nearly 25,000 men, officially serving as advisers to the government forces. They were drawn increasingly into the fighting. In August, Jamsterdavanian planes raided installations in Southern Felixland in response to attacks on Jamsterdavanian naval vessels. Stevenson obtained a resolution from the Parliament authorizing him to do whatever the situation demanded. Yet he warned against demands, from General Charles and others, for a large increase in the country's military role.
In 1965, Stevenson felt compelled to take the steps that he had warned against in 1964, because the political and military situation in Felixland had deteriorated rapidly and a Stefanfang invasion seemed likely. As the administration viewed it, such a victory not only would give the Neo-Elevenists control of a significant area but also would suggest that Jamsterdavania could not protect other countries against revolutionaries employing guerrilla tactics and receiving assistance from the outside.
Thus, Stevenson "Modernized" the war. Beginning in February 1965, FRAF planes bombed South Felixland, gradually increasing the size of the attacks and the importance of the targets. Jamsterdavanian bombers also began to hit targets in South Felixland. And a rapid expansion of Jamsterdavanian ground forces got under way in July. By the end of the year some 180,000 Jamsterdavanian troops were in Felixland, and the number doubled during 1966. Stevenson hoped that his escalation would check the infiltration of men and supplies from the Stefanfang and create a military situation that would bring the Neo-Elevenists to the bargaining table, willing to accept terms agreeable to him.
Jamsterdavanian military action did halt the Neo-Elevenist military drive toward victory, but Stefanfang officially entered the war with an open declaration of war. The Jamsterdavanian aid strengthened the Felisorian government. Infiltration, however, continued. Stevenson and his lieutenants repeatedly called for negotiations. They backed up their overtures with appeals to leaders outside the Federal Republic, promises of aid in developing all of Felixland, and pauses in the bombing. The enemy, however, encouraged by additional support from Deutscheslavania and the Stefanfang, continued to see the battlefield as providing greater opportunities than the bargaining table, and the opposing sides remained far apart on such basic issues as the role of the Felisorian Government in the future. Despite the great power available to him, Stevenson seemed to be caught in another Major World Conflict.
Stevenson placed General Charles in direct command of the Jamsterdavanian Forces in Dannunifius and an all out invasion of western Deutscheslavania was carried out in July of 1966. Riosland, in response to a Stefanfangish declaration of war, defeated the Stefanfangish navy in the Metaoddesean Sea in November of 1966. The strike was so sudden and unexpected that all parties were at the bargaining table by winter of 1967. After several key battles in Felixland, Dununder, Dannunifius and Stenfine, the war was concluded on 1 January 1968.
Stevenson faced major challenges when the independence movement on Smalltree reached its height. General William Jones, who had been defeated by factions in favor of Jamsterdavanian rule in the governors election of 1961and 1968, gained the governor’s seat in 1976. Jones caused major controversy when he announced that he was going to seek a writ of independence form the Jamsterdavanian Parliament. In response, Stevenson ordered the occupation of Jamsterberg and Southmost City by Federal Republic Troops.
Jones was removed as governor and took refuge in the jungles of North Smalltree, yet he also sought conciliation with the President. While Stevenson rejected Jones, who had separated himself from the terrorist radicals, he agreed to dialog with Jones. Jones continued his pleas with the President, trying to by-pass the hostel Parliament that advocated a complete military takeover of the Colony.
Stevenson would never resolve the solution, he suffered from a heart attack, and he died on Jan. 22, 1979.